人员可以搬到大城市担任警察。作为回报，他们必须盲目服从命令：我们可以在抗议初期看到结果，当时对相对较小且手无寸铁的抗议者群体使用了眩晕手榴弹和催泪瓦斯。警察和特工部门不受公众控制，意识形态机器中的新人显然与他们有联系。 您如何描述抗议者的社会构成、他们的社会和阶级形象、意识形态和主张？ KK：首先是1990年代的传统反对派：民族主义者、自由主义者和同情他们的知识分子。排在第二位的是城市青年、企业家和信息技术专家，他们将自己描述为进步的、西方的和反苏的。在竞选期间
，反对派设法动员了更多的人口，至少在大城 购买批量短信服务 市是这样。在选举前的日子里，社会的政治化程度非常高。部分不满的公民通过注册为选举观察员积极参与。 现在，社会更广泛的阶层聚集在一起，对前所未有的警察暴力感到震惊，并对选举舞弊感到愤怒。他们中的一些人对自己的经济状况并不满意，而是被动地支持卢卡申科，与右翼反对派相比，卢卡申科是“小恶魔”。参与选举进程的国民自由党没有公开谈论他们的计划，只谈论公平选举，然后谈论减少警察暴力本身。 VS：尽管许多正统的共产主义者认为这是一
场“时髦的编码革命”»，许多年轻的抗议者是工厂工人、出租车司机和学生。我认为我们不能将任何特定的意识形态归因于这种自发的运动。抗议者手持白俄罗斯官方旗帜[绿色和红色]以及旧旗帜[白色和红色，在 1991-1994 年作为国家象征]。由于后者占主导地位，一些人声称抗议活动是民族主义的。但传统民族主义反对派的领导人被关在监狱里，示威者之间并没有因标志而发生冲突。当抗议者开始对警察使用暴
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